n7axw
Fleet Admiral
Posts: 5997
Joined: Wed Jan 22, 2014 8:54 pm
Location: Viborg, SD
|
tlb wrote:n7axw wrote:Robert, You are right, of course. I didn't think about coal. That doesn't completely negate my point since most of the things Japan needed they had to import including an unhealthy percentage of their foodstuffs. What the militarists in control of Japan's foreign policy would have been focused on would have been the armed forces and the war in China. So I think we arrive at my bottom line even though my previous thinking to reaching that bottom line doesn't apply. In Japanese eyes, Roosevelt's demand would have been seen as unrealistic and unreasonable.
Don
-
I do not know if Roosevelt was aware of the Japanese military's mindset or if he was just concerned about stopping the aggression in China. There are revisionist historians that claim his entire purpose was to get the US into the war. This is what the Encyclopedia Britannica's website had to say about that: Despite the existence of an undeclared naval war between Germany and the United States, however, Roosevelt hesitated to ask for a formal declaration, because most of the American public still supported neutrality. At this point, according to the revisionists, he believed that he could obtain a public consensus in favour of war only if the country were attacked by a foreign power.
He allegedly created this consensus by provoking the Japanese into the attack on Pearl Harbor. As the revisionists describe it, Roosevelt purposefully increased tensions between Washington and Tokyo by introducing embargoes in 1940–41 on scrap metals and petroleum products that Japan needed for its war machine. By the fall of 1941, according to the revisionists, American policy makers had concluded that Japan would attack the U.S. fleet in Hawaii in the belief that the United States would then seek a settlement in the Pacific, thereby freeing Japan to create an East Asian “co-prosperity sphere.” Although Roosevelt and his closest advisers in the State, War, and Navy departments knew that an attack was imminent, the revisionists argue, they did not alert the military, believing that a surprise attack would create an overwhelming consensus for involvement in both the European and Pacific wars. As evidence of Roosevelt’s duplicity, they cite the fact that the administration failed to notify the military of decoded Japanese messages indicating that an attack would take place on December 6–7.
-- snip --
Among the first historians to argue in favour of the back-door-to-war theory were Charles Beard, author of American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932–1940 (1946) and President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 1941 (1948), and Charles C. Tansill, author of Back Door to War: The Roosevelt Foreign Policy, 1933–1941 (1952). Half a century later, journalist and presidential candidate Patrick J. Buchanan gave continuing life to the theory by insisting in his book A Republic, Not an Empire (1999) that, contrary to accepted opinion, the United States need not have fought in World War II. The country was forced into a conflict with the Axis powers only by Roosevelt’s determination to aid Britain and Russia against Hitler. Without American involvement in the fighting, Buchanan argued, Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia would have destroyed each other, thereby sparing the world the post-1945 Cold War.
-- snip --
Most historians have rejected the claims of Beard, Tansill, and Buchanan as reductionist and unconvincing. These historians do agree that Roosevelt engaged in deception and manipulation to advance his foreign policies and that he was prevented from seeking a formal declaration of war in the first years of the fighting because of continued public support for U.S. neutrality. Nevertheless, they argue that this does not show that Roosevelt intentionally provoked the Japanese to attack the United States or that he allowed the country to be surprised at Pearl Harbor.
-- snip --
The draft, the destroyer-bases exchange, the lend-lease program, convoying, and economic sanctions against Japan were all undertaken with Roosevelt’s belief that the public regarded them as vital to American national security. Contrary to the revisionist view, most historians regard these incremental decisions not as attempts to drag the country into the war but rather as efforts by Roosevelt to exercise all other options, in keeping with his deep reluctance to enter the fighting without the firm support of the American public.
Although Roosevelt did admit to Churchill and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin that it would have been difficult to gain public support for war without the Japanese attack, nevertheless, according to most historians, he actually tried to avoid a war with Japan throughout 1941, fearing that it would limit America’s aid to Britain and lengthen the struggle against Germany. For example, in a discussion of the American embargo on Japan at a cabinet meeting on November 7, 1941, he said that the administration should “strain every nerve to satisfy and keep on good relations” with Japanese negotiators. He told Secretary of State Cordell Hull not to let the talks “deteriorate and break up if you can possibly help it. Let us make no move of ill will. Let us do nothing to precipitate a crisis.”
-- snip --
Roosevelt and his advisers did foresee a Japanese military action on December 6–7. Nevertheless, most historians agree that they did not know where the attack would come. Intercepted Japanese diplomatic and military messages indicated an attack somewhere, but information suggesting that the target would be British, Dutch, or French possessions in Southeast Asia obscured other information suggesting Pearl Harbor. Moreover, as most historians point out, it is implausible to think that Roosevelt, a former assistant secretary of the Navy, would have exposed so much of the U.S. fleet to destruction at Pearl Harbor had he known an assault was coming. If his only purpose was to use a Japanese attack to bring the United States into the war, he could have done so with the loss of just a few destroyers and some airplanes. In fact, he was genuinely surprised by the target, if not the timing, of the Japanese attack. According to one scholar, Roberta Wohlstetter, this was partly the consequence of a tendency among U.S. military leaders to see the fleet in Hawaii as a deterrent rather than a target. It was also the result of a failure by U.S. military intelligence to measure Japanese capabilities accurately: the Americans did not believe that Japanese air and naval forces could mount a successful attack on U.S. bases in Hawaii.
From the following page: Britannica topic: Pearl Harbor and the backdoor to war
Yep. I know which side of the discussion I'm on. I don't think that there is serious doubt but what Roosevelt was boxing in the Japanese with his sanctions and expecting the result he got. Why on earth would Japan back down when they thought they were winning? Heck the Japanese didn't know how to back down when they were losing... If not for the emperor, we probably would have invaded Japan... Don -
When any group seeks political power in God's name, both religion and politics are instantly corrupted.
|